[GJM] Fw: [globalnetnews-summary] All the oil news that's fit to print
mary rose
maryrose333 at att.net
Thu Jul 10 03:20:15 MDT 2008
This excerpt from the article below appears to confirm that more oil is used
to "fight the wars for oil" than is used for any other purpose. And, leaves
U.S. American citizens paying billions of dollars for something they again
must pay more for at the pump. And, then when we protest, we are called
"unAmerican" and faced with potential punishment for our actions. And this
is what young U.S. Americans are sent to give their lives for -- its "the
American way of life." Does anyone else see something wrong with this
picture. Why are we doing this?
Recall that this was the subject of our dialogue here on the Co-learner's
list a couple weeks back entitled: "Misallocation of Resources," .But
then, this is how the linear left brain works when not balanced by the right
brain's influence -- it is completely "sociopathic" and unable to see the
consequences of its actions since it is unable to get the whole big picture.
. .
The Pentagon-petroleum partnership
Another connection, long ignored in the mainstream, that reporters like
Kramer might consider pursuing when it comes to the complex ties among Iraqi
officials, the Bush administration, the Department of Defense (DoD), and Big
Oil is the overt Pentagon connection. The DoD is, as national security
expert Noah Shachtman notes, "the world's largest energy consumer". And,
when it comes to Pentagon gas-guzzling, its post-9/11 wars and occupations,
especially in Iraq, have been a boon. While the Bush administration has been
working overtime to clear the path for Big Oil's return to Iraq, the
Pentagon has been paying out staggering amounts of US taxpayer dollars to
the very oil majors now negotiating with Iraq's Ministry of Oil.
mary rose
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Subject: [globalnetnews-summary] All the oil news that's fit to print
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Jul 9, 2008
DISPATCHES FROM AMERICA
All the oil news that's fit to print
By Nick Turse
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/JG09Ak02.html
On June 19, the New York Times broke the story in an article under the
headlines "Deals with Iraq Are Set to Bring Oil Giants Back: Rare No-Bid
Contracts, A Foothold for Western Companies Seeking Future Rewards".
Finally, after a long five years-plus, there was proof that the occupation
of Iraq really did have something or other to do with oil. Quoting unnamed
Iraqi Oil Ministry bureaucrats, oil company officials and an anonymous
American diplomat, Andrew Kramer of the Times wrote: "Exxon Mobil, Shell,
Total and BP ... along with Chevron and a number of smaller oil companies,
are in talks with Iraq's Oil Ministry for no-bid contracts to service Iraq's
largest fields."
The news caused a minor stir, as other newspapers picked up and advanced the
story and the mainstream media, only a few years late, began to seriously
consider the significance of oil to the occupation of Iraq.
As always happens when, for whatever reason, you come late to a major story
and find yourself playing catch-up on the run, there are a few corrections
and blind spots in the current coverage that might be worth addressing
before another five years pass. In the spirit of collegiality, I offer the
following leads for the mainstream media to consider as they change gears
from no comment to hot pursuit when it comes to the story of Iraq's most
sought after commodity. I'm talking, of course, about that "sea of oil" on
which, as deputy secretary of defense Paul Wolfowitz pointed out in May
2003, the month after Baghdad fell, Iraq "floats".
All the news that's fit to print department
In a June 30 follow-up piece, the Times' Kramer cited US officials (again
unnamed) as acknowledging the following, "A group of American advisers led
by a small State Department team played an integral part in drawing up
contracts between the Iraqi government and five major Western oil companies
..."
In addition, he asserted, this "disclosure ... is the first confirmation of
direct involvement by the [George W] Bush administration in deals to open
Iraq's oil to commercial development and is likely to stoke criticism". This
scoop, however, reflected none of the evidence - long available - of the
direct involvement of Bush administration and US occupation officials in
Iraq's oil industry. In fact, since the taking of Baghdad in April 2003, the
name of the game has been facilitating relationships between Iraq and
US-based and allied Western energy firms when it came to what Bush used to
delicately call Iraq's "patrimony" of "natural resources".
For instance, almost a year ago, the Washington Post's Walter Pincus drew
attention to a call by Bush's Commerce Department for "an international
legal adviser who is fluent in Arabic 'to provide expert input, when
requested' to 'US government agencies or to Iraqi authorities as they draft
the laws and regulations that will govern Iraq's oil and gas sector'." The
document went on to state, "As part of a US government inter-agency process,
the US Department of Commerce" would be "providing technical assistance to
Iraq to create a legal and tax environment conducive to domestic and foreign
investment in Iraq's key economic sectors, starting with the mineral
resources sector."
This was no aberration. In March 2006, for instance, the US Army issued a
solicitation for a two-year contract "to allow any organization or entity to
support IRMO [Iraq Reconstruction Management Office] (US Embassy Baghdad) to
deliver an effective capacity development program utilizing predominantly US
and European firms, universities, institutes and professional organizations
for personnel within the Iraqi Ministry of Oil ..." This was to include
participation in "development programs" offered by "private companies",
long-term development through "commercial training entities in the United
States and Europe for oil and gas specialists from the Ministry of Oil", and
the implementation of "joint government-industry activities". Translated out
of bureaucratic contract-ese, this meant that the US would pay for programs
to, among other things, enhance relationships between the Iraq Oil Ministry
and ... you guessed it ... foreign firms.
In October 2006, the Department of Commerce (DOC) put out a call for experts
that was nearly identical to the later solicitation discovered by Pincus.
They were to aid a program facilitating "the creation of a legal and tax
environment conducive to domestic and foreign investment in Iraqs [sic] key
economic sectors, starting with the mineral resources sector" and provide
"expertise to DOC, to other [US government] agencies, or to Iraqi
authorities on creating a legal and tax environment conducive to domestic
and foreign investment in Iraqs [sic] oil and gas sector". Such an
individual would, in fact, act "as a liaison between [the DOC's technical
assistance arm] and key stakeholders in Iraq (such as Iraq's Ministry of
Oil, or the oil authorities in Kurdistan)".
In fact, the US Trade and Development Agency notes that, in 2006 and 2007,
it funded a "$2.5 million multifaceted training program for the Iraqi
Ministry of Oil" to "provide critical knowledge transfer and establish
long-term relationships between the US and Iraqi oil and gas industry public
and private sector representatives".
It's worth recalling that Iraq's oil bureaucrats, about to receive such
"critical knowledge" and "expertise", were not exactly neophytes in the
world of oil management. They had effectively managed the Iraqi oil industry
from the time the five oil majors now slated to receive those "service
contracts" were tossed out of Iraq, when its industry was nationalized in
1972, until the invasion of 2003. They had kept the country's oil
infrastructure going even after the disaster of the First Gulf War of
1990-1991, even through all the desperate final years of sanctions against
Saddam Hussein's regime.
The Pentagon-petroleum partnership
Another connection, long ignored in the mainstream, that reporters like
Kramer might consider pursuing when it comes to the complex ties among Iraqi
officials, the Bush administration, the Department of Defense (DoD), and Big
Oil is the overt Pentagon connection. The DoD is, as national security
expert Noah Shachtman notes, "the world's largest energy consumer". And,
when it comes to Pentagon gas-guzzling, its post-9/11 wars and occupations,
especially in Iraq, have been a boon. While the Bush administration has been
working overtime to clear the path for Big Oil's return to Iraq, the
Pentagon has been paying out staggering amounts of US taxpayer dollars to
the very oil majors now negotiating with Iraq's Ministry of Oil.
According to recent reports, the proposed Iraqi service contracts, which may
be paid off in cash or crude oil, will be worth $500 million each. That is
roughly what the Pentagon paid out on June 18 alone - the day before the
Times broke its story about Big Oil's return to Iraq - for natural gas and
aviation fuel. Over half the total amount, in excess of $268 million, was
handed over to one of the oil giants set to benefit from the Iraq deal: BP
(formerly British Petroleum). Only days earlier, two of the other majors
from the coterie of potential no-bid contractors, Exxon Mobil and Chevron,
nabbed contracts from the DoD - in Exxon Mobil's case, a $73 million deal
for gasoline and fuel oil; in Chevron's, a $16 million contract for aviation
fuel.
Keep in mind, however, that - although you won't learn this in your daily
paper - this has long been standard operating procedure. Each of the oil
giants named in the original New York Times piece - Exxon Mobil, Shell,
Total, BP, and Chevron - regularly show up on the Pentagon's payroll. In
fact, last year, Iraq's new fave five took home more than $4.1 billion from
the DoD - with Shell leading the way with $2.1 billion.
It's no secret that the Pentagon relies on vast quantities of oil to power
the ships, planes, helicopters, heavy armor, and other ground vehicles
essential to its occupation of Iraq, nor that it regularly pays out vast
sums of taxpayer dollars to the very companies that US advisors have aided
in working out oil deals with the Iraq Oil Ministry. Despite ample evidence
of the Pentagon connection, this circular and mutually-reinforcing
relationship has been almost totally ignored in the mainstream media. But
think of it this way: Your tax dollars have given the Pentagon the
opportunity to use up oil - bought from the oil majors, in prodigious
quantities - in order to create a situation in Iraq in which those same
majors will soon receive no-bid contracts to make money off the Iraqi oil
industry and, if all goes well, get far better, longer term deals in the
near future.
One big, happy, oily family
It turns out that, despite that story the Times broke as if something
totally new were on the horizon, the Bush administration has been
facilitating ties between the Iraqi government and foreign oil companies for
years, and the same companies now likely to nab a no-bid toehold in Iraq's
oilfields are intimately tied in to the Pentagon to the tune of billions of
dollars annually. It's worth noting that most of these firms have also been
closely connected to Vice President Dick Cheney from the early days of the
Bush administration. In fact, executives from Exxon Mobil, Shell, and BP met
behind closed doors with Cheney's energy task force in 2001, when the
administration was pounding out its energy policies, according to a White
House document obtained by the Washington Post. The Government
Accountability Office also found that Chevron was just one of several
companies that "gave detailed energy policy recommendations" to the task
force.
It's almost impossible to tease out all the interconnections between Big
Oil, the White House, the Pentagon, and the Iraqi Ministry of Oil, since
they are tied together in a web of contracts and mutually supporting
relationships built up over many years. However, just in case the Times
wants to set its staff loose on the recent past, there is no mistaking the
many ties that exist. (A small tip for Times researchers: skip the Times
archives, they will be of little help.)
Should further evidence be necessary, when it comes to those US advisors at
work in Iraq, mainstream reporters need look no further than the
solicitations sent out by the Iraqi Ministry of Oil itself. Consider, for
instance, a recent "tender" for a contractor to drill "two deep exploration
wells" in the South Rumaila and Luhais oil fields in the Basra District of
southern Iraq. Not only does the solicitation (the deadline for which is
July 27, 2008) contain special instructions for "companies outside Iraq",
but it asks potential contractors to send their bids to the Ministry of Oil
not in Arabic, but "in the English language".
Nick Turse is the associate editor and research director of Tomdispatch.com.
His first book, The Complex: How the Military Invades Our Everyday Lives, an
exploration of the new military-corporate complex in America, was recently
published by Metropolitan Books. His website, Nick Turse.com has been newly
revamped and expanded.
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